. Richard Cobden, the international man . n relations were governed by motives and conductedby methods positively detrimental to the free pacificintercourse of individuals. The classes of Governmentofficials who conducted diplomacy, and the methodsthey employed, were poisoned by obsolete traditions ofsuspicion and hostility, the survivals of a world inwhich statecraft expressed the conflicting interests ofrival dynasties and not the common benefits ofpeoples. The ignorance and the singular ineptitudefor understanding the needs and interests of foreignnations which distinguish


. Richard Cobden, the international man . n relations were governed by motives and conductedby methods positively detrimental to the free pacificintercourse of individuals. The classes of Governmentofficials who conducted diplomacy, and the methodsthey employed, were poisoned by obsolete traditions ofsuspicion and hostility, the survivals of a world inwhich statecraft expressed the conflicting interests ofrival dynasties and not the common benefits ofpeoples. The ignorance and the singular ineptitudefor understanding the needs and interests of foreignnations which distinguish our governing classes made avery powerful impression upon Cobden, who took somuch trouble to equip himself with the sort of know-ledge which they lacked. He knew how perilous aforeign policy conducted by such men must be. Sohe concluded the less of it the better. If the peoplesare to get into sane, amicable and mutually profitablerelations with one another, that intercourse is bestpromoted by leaving it to them, with as little inter- 388. THE COBDEN MADONNA (A BAS-RELIEF IN TIIK DUCAL PA I U IAT VENICE. SO-CALLED BECAISE IT BEARS THK AUTOGRAPH IRICHARD COBDEN). (To Fa Cobden and Modern Internationalism ference as possible either in the way of help or hindranceby their respective Governments. Cobdens conviction of the essential rightness of thisnon-intervention policy was confirmed by the whole tenorof his public life. Growing up to manhood amid thepoverty and degradation which were the sequel of theFrench War, he witnessed in his lifetime a constantrecurrence of the peril. Now with France, now withRussia, now with the United States, we were embroiledat short intervals, in pursuance of that filthy idol (asBright called it) the Balance of Power, or for the supposedfurtherance of our colonial or commercial interests. Witha single exception, we escaped the actual disaster of warwith a great European Power. But the lesson of thatwar, its initiation, its conduct and its consequences,


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